State Rep. Ralph Heap (R-LD10) would like to take the Arizona Corporation Commission (ACC) off the path of green energy and onto a different path in line with President Trump’s energy agenda.
The state’s largest regulated utilities, APS and TEP, are pursuing 14 percent rate hikes with the ACC after receiving other double-digit ratehikes the past few years. Heap, an “Arizona First” candidate, argues that the ACC should be prioritizing ratepayers, and that his approach to the ACC would end the constant upward trend of rates.
Heap’s platform prioritizes individual ratepayers over trendy policy and cash-flush companies: implementing greater protections for rural Arizonans’ energy and water access, rejecting “radical” agendas like the Green New Deal and “corporate welfare” programs, encouraging a free-market energy system, and creating more resistance to rate hikes.
The lawmaker laid claim to the engrossment, passage, or sponsorship of multiple energy-related bills from 2024 to present. Those bills were:
HB4097: authorizing “bring your own power,” or self-supply, for large customers to expand energy supply options without creating an open retail-choice program;
HB2679: establishing a defined legal path for financing utility transition costs;
HCR2022: committing support for nuclear generation through the Palo Verde Generating Station;
HB2042: creating enforcement on geoengineering activity by prohibiting intentional in-state release of materials for solar radiation management, prohibiting public funding for those technologies, and authorizing attorney general investigations;
HB2328: limiting rate disparity in intermunicipal water service by requiring municipal providers selling water to another municipality’s public to charge rates constrained by specified comparators;
HB2331: ensuring reliability within long-range resource planning by requiring covered public power entities and electric utilities to ensure at least 85 percent of relied-on generating capacity comes from reliable resources by 2030;
HB2915: granting county-administered property tax reductions to homeowners suffering depleted property values due to nearby renewable energy facilities; and,
HB2918: ending property tax breaks for new utility-scale renewable energy projects.
Since taking office last January, Heap has maintained several leadership positions, including vice chairmanship of the Natural Resources, Energy, and Water Committee.
Prior to his legislative service and ACC run, Heap practiced orthopedic medicine in the East Valley for nearly 40 years. During that time, he participated in medical missions to developing countries where the presence or absence of reliable energy meant life or death. Heap attributes his “ratepayer first” attitude and interest in reliable, affordable energy to those experiences.
Heap married his high school sweetheart, Denise. Together they have three children—including Maricopa County Recorder Justin Heap—and eight grandchildren.
As part of his “ratepayer first” approach, Heap qualified as a Clean Elections candidate. He has sworn against taking money from regulated utilities or their PACs.
Heap has received many endorsements from grassroots leaders along with state and municipal elected officials, including former ACC Commissioner and current state representative Justin Olson (R-LD10), Rep. Eli Crane (R-AZ-02), and a leading Republican lawmaker who resigned earlier this year to run for Congress, Joseph Chaplik.
Many of the heavyweights in the Arizona legislature put in their support for Heap: Arizona Freedom Caucus leader and State Sen. Jake Hoffman (R-LD15) as well as State Reps. Michele Pena (R-LD23), Laurin Hendrix (R-LD14), Khyl Powell (R-LD14), Lisa Fink (R-LD27), Rachel Keshel (R-LD17), Alexander Kolodin (R-LD03), Beverly Pingerelli (R-LD), Michael Way (R-LD15), John Gillette (R-LD30), Teresa Martinez (R-LD16), Leo Biasiucci (R-LD30), Pamela Carter (R-LD04), and Chris Lopez (R-LD16).
Among those municipal endorsements were supervisors from Gila and Navajo counties; the mayors of Payson, Snowflake, and Springerville; and council members for Payson.
Photo credit: Gage Skidmore / CC BY-SA 2.0
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This November, Tucson voters are being asked (again) to approve a 25-year franchise agreement between Tucson and Tucson Electric Power (TEP). Franchise agreements are generally standard arrangements that allow utilities to use public rights-of-way for poles, wires, and infrastructure. But there is nothing standard about this deal. Bundled with it is an “Energy Collaboration Agreement” that will quietly embed climate policy into Tucson’s governance for the next quarter century. Voters should read the fine print (and the price tag) before checking the box.
If Tucson voters are having déjà vu reading this proposal, it’s because it is awfully similar to what they have already said no to. In May 2023, Proposition 412 put a nearly identical TEP franchise agreement before the public, and voters rejected it by a 55-45 margin. That deal included a new 0.75% “community resilience fee” on top of the existing 2.25% franchise fee, with proceeds earmarked for undergrounding utility lines as well as funding the city’s Climate Action Plan. Despite voters already telling the city they don’t want it, city leaders and TEP have assumed residents really just want a more expensive version of the same thing – rebranding and trying to ream through for a second time the same agenda but at a cost of $64 million instead of $56 million.
What the franchise agreement really does is help TEP maintain infrastructure, expedite permitting, and improve outage response. But TEP can still operate without a franchise agreement, meaning this vote is not about whether Tucson continues receiving electricity. Instead, it creates the legal foundation for a broader political partnership between the city and the utility…
Arizona Senate Majority Whip Frank Carroll (R-LD28) introduced a measure on Tuesday, urging the U.S. Congress to clearly define and limit the Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) regulatory authority. Carroll and his cosponsors argue that ambiguous federal power threatens jobs and economic growth in Arizona. The proposal, SCM 1004, was advanced by the Arizona Senate Republican Caucus earlier this week.
Carroll’s measure calls on Congress to affirm its role in setting national environmental policy and to draw explicit boundaries around the EPA’s authority under federal law. The memorial highlights that, under the Clean Air Act, the EPA is charged with setting and reviewing National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS) every five years to protect public health and welfare, but argues that compliance requirements have grown burdensome for businesses and workers.
“Americans deserve clean air, land, and water, but they also deserve an economy that can grow without unnecessary federal interference,” Carroll said in a statement distributed by the Arizona Senate Republican Caucus. He added that the measure urges Congress to ensure EPA regulations are “grounded in law and sound science” and do not impose undue economic restrictions.
In additional remarks included in the memorial, Carroll said he is seeking to define the limits of EPA authority to prevent what he described as regulatory overreach.
“I am working to clearly define the EPA’s powers to prevent regulatory overreach that negatively impacts Arizona’s economy,” Carroll said. “While the Clean Air Act allows for specific emissions regulations, the EPA must not exceed its authority or violate fundamental principles of separation of powers. By preventing bureaucratic overreach, we can protect both the environment and the economic opportunities Arizona families and businesses rely on.”
SCM 1004 directs the Arizona Secretary of State to transmit copies of the memorial to leadership in both chambers of Congress and all members of Arizona’s federal delegation. The measure notes that while the EPA’s mission is to enforce environmental laws as intended by Congress, concerns over overreach have prompted states to call for clearer statutory limits on the agency’s powers.
Carroll’s push reflects broader national debates over the scope of federal environmental regulation. Critics of recent EPA proposals have warned that aggressive regulatory action could affect industries including agriculture, energy production, and water resources. Such debates have included congressional hearings examining the consequences of EPA actions on sectors like American agriculture and rural economies.
The memorial challenges key assumptions underlying EPA policies formulated under Democratic administrations and proponents of policy such as the ‘Green New Deal’, stating:
“Greenhouse gases like CO2 and methane are not acutely toxic like other hazardous pollutants and have no direct impact on human health;”
“There is no consensus as to whether global warming is a problem or a benefit or how current temperatures fit into the broader climate context;”
“Global temperatures, droughts, floods and hurricanes have not increased with increasing global CO2 emissions;”
The memorial further refutes the EPA’s authority regarding greenhouse gas emissions, stating directly: “The EPA has no explicit statutory authority to regulate greenhouse gases.”
The memorial comes amid ongoing statewide discussions about the balance between environmental protection and economic growth, with Arizona lawmakers questioning the appropriate reach of federal agencies in areas ranging from air and water quality to land use and energy development.
SCM 1004 was co-sponsored by a group of Republican Arizona Senators, including Hildy Angius (R-LD30), David Gowan (R-LD19), Kevin Payne (R-LD27), Janae Shamp (R-LD29), and Thomas “T.J.” Shope (R-LD16).
For years, the Left has been working tirelessly to flip Arizona blue. Armed with a secret network of tax-advantaged funds, political nonprofits, and union dollars, their aim has been to turn our beloved, freedom-loving state into the next Colorado or California. In fact, many groups on the Left waged high stakes to flip Republicans’ paper-thin control of the state legislature in 2024.
And how did that turn out? A historic landslide victory for President Trump while the Left actually lost ground in Arizona’s legislature. Apparently funneling millions of dollars to liberal causes doesn’t make up for bad ideas.
Now, with the 2026 midterm election a little over nine months away, the latest voter registration numbers are in, and they show an encouraging trend. Republicans have expanded their registration advantage over Democrats to 7.64%—the largest lead in state history—while Democrats continue their free fall in party registration.
Even more impressive is that these gains are not isolated to a few particular areas of our state. Every single county in Arizona has become MORE Republican since the 2024 election. That’s right. In the counties where Democrats have larger voter registration numbers than Republicans, the gap has closed. And in counties where Republicans have larger voter registration numbers than Democrats, the gap has widened. In fact, the gap between registered Republicans and Democrats in Maricopa County has increased by more than half a percent in just the past year.
Yet perhaps the most surprising trend behind this growing Republican advantage is that while Republicans have been able to register a lot of new voters, the same cannot be said for the Democrats…
Writing at Axios, energy writer Amy Harder says “The climate agenda’s fall from grace over the past year has been stunning — in speed, scale and scope.” Harder quotes oil historian and S&P Global vice-chairman Dan Yergin as saying, “There’s no handwaving about how ‘We want to cooperate on climate.’ It’s, ‘We’re slamming the door on that issue.’ We’ve gone from over-indexing it to zero-indexing it.”
Polling has never shown climate change as being an issue of primary concern to American voters. Americans have consistently been more worried about issues that impact their daily lives today than about warnings from modern-day P.T. Barnums like U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres about some nebulous “highway to hell” and “the age of global boiling. The issue had been slowly losing its effectiveness during the Biden years even as that administration tried to memorialize the movement’s objectives in policy.
Even Democrat politicians have quit talking about the so-called “climate emergency” which used to be a central plank in their talking points list. When was the last time you heard New York Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio Cortez, co-author with Massachusetts Democratic Sen. Ed Markey of the “Green New Deal” introduced in 2019, talk about the supposed need to force ordinary citizens to give up their cars, flying, and vacations and spend trillions on a nationwide network of high-speed rails to save the planet? When was the last time you heard any Democrat utter the phrase “Green New Deal,” for that matter? It simply doesn’t happen anymore.
One of the motivators for the political abandonment of the climate scam by Democrats came from a pre-election analysis from the center-left Searchlight Institute last November. That memo advised Democrat candidates to avoid using the term “climate change” entirely, and to focus on the supposed cost savings to be obtained by switching to green energy solutions. Never mind that such cost savings are a myth: The truth doesn’t matter. What matters is the ability to influence voters with the message.
Therein lies the central existential threat to the movement’s survival in the coming years.
For decades, liberal politicians and climate advocates were able to advance the climate alarm agenda by creating, well, alarm among the public that the world is going to end if we don’t stop putting too much carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. Always the messaging had a deadline claiming, “We only have X number of years to stop burning fossil fuels before it’s too late!” Over the past 40 years, that deadline to act has given the term “moving the goalposts” a new green meaning.
AOC claimed the drop-dead date was only 12 years in the future as she rolled out her ambition to control everyone’s daily lives in the name of climate alarm in 2019. But the very next year, in 2020, child activist Greta Thunberg moved the goalposts to a mere five years. But wait: Just a year later, Joe Biden read a script from his teleprompter that set the deadline at 10 years. It’s all so darn confusing.
No doubt, these politicians and activists wish they could erase their past claims from everyone’s memory. Their trouble is, the Internet is forever.
Advocates were even successful in convincing Barack Obama’s EPA to dummy up an Endangerment Finding declaring that carbon dioxide is in fact a “pollutant” that must be regulated under the Clean Air Act in order to save the planet. Never mind that CO2, otherwise known as plant food, the foundational basis for all life on Planet Earth: The truth doesn’t matter.
Now, it appears that the movement is inheriting the wages of decades of deception with a sudden and stunning fall from grace. It could not happen to a more deserving bunch of people.
David Blackmon is a contributor to The Daily Caller News Foundation, an energy writer, and consultant based in Texas. He spent 40 years in the oil and gas business, where he specialized in public policy and communications.
